During his recent visit to Ireland, EU Chief Negotiator Michel Barnier took the opportunity to ask the Irish for ideas as to how to manage the Irish border, for customs purposes, after Brexit.
It has been accepted, according to the statements of the relevant political authorities, that there will be no “borders of the past” (Theresa May) or no “visible hard border” (Irish Government’s position paper) and that the negotiations will have the “aim of avoiding a hard border” (EU’s negotiating position).
80% of customs duties currently collected by Irish Revenue are sent to Brussels. This is a major differentiating point from, say, income tax or corporation tax where all the tax collected by Revenue remains with the Irish Exchequer. However, if it is the case that a national revenue authority leaves customs duties uncollected, the national exchequer can be, according to EU law, placed on the hook to pay Brussels the value of the uncollected customs tax. It’s rather like the PAYE system where an employer collects income tax/social insurance payments on behalf of Revenue and, if the employer makes a mistake, they can be made liable.
As can be seen from the foregoing, there is a yawning gap between political aspirations and legal obligations. The EU’s negotiating position envisages that gap being filled with “flexible and imaginative solutions”.
So here goes…
In Princeton University, in Princeton, New Jersey, exams are not supervised. Instead, each student writes the following on his/her exam paper:
“I pledge my honor that I have not violated the honor code during this examination.”
The Irish border is c. 500km in length and there are c. 300 crossing points. While Princeton University has voluntarily chosen to do away with invigilators in each exam hall, it is the case that customs posts cannot be stationed at each crossing point on the Irish border. Therefore, there seems little option but to insist that each trader, instead, complies with the tax equivalent of a honour code, backed up with the making of returns, record keeping requirements, cross checking, intelligence, audits and appropriate sanctions for breaking the rules. This is the usual system for most taxes.
In the modern era, the concept of Stazi-like, static customs posts along the Irish border would be – compared to the cost of same – a waste of resources in circumstances where the committed smuggler would be in a position to utilise any one of several hundred other, unmanned, Checkpoint Cathals to get their goods from A to B.
Every Irish person who has ever gotten off a plane at Dublin airport which originated outside the EU is familiar with the customs equivalent of the Princeton honor code. Each time a person walks through the ‘Nothing to Declare’ channel at the airport, he/she makes (legally) a declaration that, having regard to the thousands of pages of EU customs law, they are not a smuggler. Indeed, when a person gets off any international flight at the airport, the person is also, legally, making a declaration in respect of excisable goods (e.g. cigarettes and alcohol).
The Irish and UK Revenue authorities work together to combat cross-border VAT and excise duty evasion. There is no reason (with appropriate and minor changes to EU Customs law together with information sharing protocols, as already takes place on the Sweden/Norway Border) why such co-operation cannot continue in the field of customs and so that Ireland’s legal obligations to Brussels to detect customs evasion can be married with the widespread political will for a soft border.
It’s not for this author to suggest likely candidates for Revenue customs scrutiny. However, it might be the case that a particular eye might need to be kept on the newly incorporated (and, hopefully, not aptly named) “The Brexit Smuggling Company Ltd” (CRO No. 601040, created on 27th March 2017) whose registered office is situated in Cork city. Up the Rebels.
Eoin O’Shea FCA is a practising barrister, specialising in commercial and tax law.