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IFAC Board Member Joan Curry tells us about the organisation and its work and priorities for the year ahead  The International Federation of Accountants (IFAC) is the global voice for the accountancy profession. I describe it as the members’ body for members’ bodies.  IFAC was established in 1977 at the 11th World Congress of Accountants in Germany. At that time, there was recognition that the profession needed a global voice and perspective. Now, IFAC represents 180 member and associate organisations in 135 jurisdictions, including Chartered Accountants Ireland. Its reach extends to millions of accountants worldwide.  At this high level, IFAC represents the public interest by advocating for, and amplifying, the relevance, reputation and value of our profession globally. We operate across three pillars: supporting the development, adoption and implementation of international standards; ensuring the highest-quality education for the profession; and looking to the future to identify and respond to emerging developments so that we can ensure the profession is future-ready. I joined the IFAC Board in November 2019 and am one of 23 Board Members from around the world. We govern and oversee the operations of IFAC, ensuring that its mission and vision are progressed through its organisational structures. Coming into 2024 and as the world becomes ever more connected and integrated, our priority is to ensure the continuation and enhancement of trust and confidence in the accountancy profession. This is our North Star, both at a global level and in every jurisdiction in which our members operate. To this end, we have introduced a set of reforms in recent years to help maintain the independence of standard setting. There is now a structure that allows standard setting to be developed and delivered in an independent arena, rather than under the banner of IFAC.  In creating this new structure, IFAC supports, monitors, promotes and advocates for the work of the standard-setting boards in developing independent standards across audit, assurance and ethics. These standards are directed towards the areas of greatest public interest and underpin trust and confidence in the profession. This is important in every sense but especially so given the global drive to develop sustainability reporting standards so that the profession can play its part in tackling climate change. IFAC represents the profession in supporting the delivery of the G20’s Sustainable Development Goals and ensures our voice is heard on issues with global impact, such as climate change. We will continue to be future-focused and to ensure that issues of importance to all accountants, including the younger generation, are at the heart of IFAC’s mission and vision.  We recognise the diversity of thought and inclusion required to maintain the relevance of the profession into the future and the importance of our role in envisioning how the profession will evolve and the impact we can make in the years ahead. Joan Curry is Head of Finance at the Department of Transport and a member of the Council of Chartered Accountants Ireland

Minister for Finance Michael McGrath outlines his expectations for the Irish economy and business in 2024 Over the past number of years, our economy and society have weathered multiple unprecedented challenges: Brexit, a once-in-a-century pandemic followed by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the associated impact on energy prices and inflation.  Yet despite all these headwinds and reinforced by Government support, our economy has proven remarkably resilient, with our labour market essentially at full employment and public finances on a positive trajectory. As we look ahead to 2024, I am encouraged by the strength our economy has demonstrated in the wake of so many external shocks.  Next year, Modified Domestic Demand (MDD) – my preferred measure of the domestic economy – is forecast to grow by 2.2 per cent. While this is lower than the growth we have experienced in recent years, it compares favourably with the outlook for many of our competitors. The increase in financing costs facing businesses because of this monetary policy tightening is unfortunately a challenge Irish business will continue to contend with in 2024.  This greater burden comes at a time in which businesses are already facing inflation at multi-decade highs.  Thankfully, there is some evidence that we have now turned a corner on inflation. Inflation is expected to continue to ease over the coming months with the rate projected to fall just below three percent next year.  It is important to note that the outlook for ‘core’ inflation – which excludes energy and unprocessed food – has proven to be more persistent as inflationary pressures have become broader.  Looking at the international picture, the balance of risk is very much tilted towards the downside.  A small, open economy like Ireland is particularly vulnerable to global economic developments. Geopolitical tensions and further changes to monetary policy are key risks facing our economy over the coming period. As Minister for Finance, one of my priorities is to ensure that businesses have the support they need amidst all these challenges.  In the lead-up to Budget 2024, I examined the tax reliefs and supports available to Irish businesses and met with, and listened to, the views of stakeholders from across the country.  Based on this, I announced a wide-ranging package of measures to support enterprise in Budget 2024.   Among these measures, I am increasing the Research and Development (R&D) Tax Credit from 25 percent to 30 percent. The first-year payment threshold is also being doubled from €25,000 to €50,000, which will provide valuable cashflow support to companies engaged in smaller R&D projects.  These amendments will ensure that Ireland remains competitive in attracting employment and investment in R&D.  I am also introducing a new targeted Capital Gains Tax relief that will allow angel investors to benefit from a reduced 16 percent rate of CGT when they dispose of a qualifying investment for gains up to twice the value of their investment.  This relief aims to encourage investment in this important sector of our economy, helping these enterprises access the necessary capital to grow and develop. In the same vein, I am also enhancing the Employment Investment Incentive Scheme by standardising the investment period to four years for all investments, and doubling the amount an investor can claim relief on for four-year investments to €500,000.  Further changes are also being made to the scheme to ensure that it is compliant with the new EU General Block Exemption Regulation.  To support Irish SMEs in engaging key employees, I have recently commenced the outstanding Finance Act 2022 amendments to the Key Employee Engagement Programme, following receipt of State aid approval from the European Commission.  This includes an extension of the scheme to the end of 2025 and doubling the amount of issued, but unexercised, qualifying shares a company can hold from €3 million to  €6 million.  In my engagement with stakeholders, a clear message has emerged: businesses find the administrative requirements of tax supports and schemes to be complex.  To examine this issue, Revenue will be establishing a subgroup of the Tax Administration Liaison Committee (TLAC).  This group will examine Revenue-administered tax schemes and reliefs for business, with a focus on identifying any opportunities to simplify and modernise the administration of business supports. It will report on its findings in the course of 2024.  My department will also undertake several reviews in 2024 to further examine how specific enterprise support reliefs and schemes can work better for Irish business.  I am very optimistic for the future of business in Ireland. The suite of enterprise tax measures announced in Budget 2024 is a sign of our commitment to ensuring that Ireland is an attractive location for start-ups and scale-ups across a range of sectors.  Michael McGrath, FCA, is Minister for Finance and a TD for Cork South Central

It is hard to see how the EU can become a major global player without embracing the reform that would lead to greater integration, says Judy Dempsey The European Union is not in good shape.  There is no agreement over migration or refugees, two issues raised more than two decades ago. The longer member states delay reforming the entire migration and asylum system, the greater the opportunity for anti-immigration and xenophobic parties to capitalise on these delays.  Current trends show that support for the far-right in France, Germany and Poland is increasing in the polls. Instead of co-opting some far-right policies, mainstream parties across Europe need to confront their rising prominence sooner rather than later.  Then there is the unending dispute over how to tackle climate change. This is linked to a radical overhaul of the energy infrastructure across the EU.  Germany and France are at loggerheads about the future of nuclear energy. Germany’s Green coalition party wants to end nuclear energy once and for all, while Berlin has plans to subsidise industry, both of which will delay the country’s transition to renewable energy.  France wants to expand nuclear power for environmental reasons, and Poland is grappling with its coal industry.  Other countries are making the costly and challenging transition to renewable energy sources. This is just the tip of the iceberg.  Eurozone countries cannot agree on further integration of the capital markets and banking system to deepen economic integration.  Take a look at the conflict between the EU Commission and Poland, Hungary and Slovakia. In September, these countries banned Ukrainian grain imports to Europe, going against the European Commission’s authority over trade matters.  As a result, it appears that Member States now hold more power than the commission itself.  It is difficult to see how the EU can become a major global player without embracing the reform that would lead to greater integration – or, at the very least, a bloc that will be more manageable when it expands to incorporate Moldova, Ukraine and the Western Balkans. Enlargement, Russia’s war against Ukraine, the uncertainty of the transatlantic relationship, the results of the 2024 US presidential election, and the rising power of China are all issues that affect Europe’s future.  A new Franco-German paper, put together by a working group of experts and released on 19 September, proposes ideas for making the EU more manageable and governable against a backdrop of pessimism. Based on the premise that there is no agreement on changing the EU treaty – which requires unanimity and, in most cases, a vote from the national parliaments (remember the Nice Treaty vote?) – the paper proposes the following: First, that a coalition of countries move ahead with a “supplementary reform treaty” and, second, that the EU be reorganised around four concentric circles consisting of: the inner circle (presumably eurozone countries);  the rest of the EU;  associate members (Ukraine, Moldova and the Western Balkans); and  the European Political Community (a loose association of European leaders that meet regularly). Given the current state of the Franco-German relationship and its impact on EU integration, it seems unlikely that this paper will be accepted.  Additionally, there are concerns about the democratic legitimacy of the EU and the accountability of its institutions. While the EU parliament has gained some influence, many citizens feel disconnected from the process.  In the face of continued uncertainty, now is the time for smaller and medium-sized countries to propose their plans for the future functioning and sustainability of the EU. Judy Dempsey is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at Carnegie Europe and Editor-in-Chief of Strategic Europe

Despite housing and health and climate crises, our experience living and working in Ireland has never been so good, writes Cormac Lucey Come election time, the positions political parties advocate for can generally be classified into either continuity or change.  With a general election looming in the Republic no later than March 2025, the battlelines are already emerging. The parties of the outgoing Government will campaign for continuity. The parties of the opposition will seek change.  Ironically, despite the Government’s many policy failures (housing, health, etc.), it has a strong story to tell.  If a person were to choose when they would live in Ireland over the last thousand years, the rational choice would be today.  Life expectancy Take the very simplest index of national well-being. The average life expectancy in 1950 in the Republic of Ireland was 60. Today, it is just under 83 years old. This staggering progress reflects healthier lifestyles, better diets, safer workplaces and improved healthcare.  Income Income levels today are far ahead of those our parents and grandparents could aspire to. Last year, Ireland’s modified gross national income (the measure of national income designed to exclude globalisation effects) was €273.1 billion. This equates to income per head of €54,600.  The key to this is productivity growth. If productivity output per person grows at a rate of two percent per annum – the general experience over the 20th century – people should be 7.2 times as well off after a century.  If annual productivity growth is just one percent – roughly what we’ve experienced since the millennium – people will be just 2.7 times as well off after a hundred years. It is the slowdown in underlying productivity growth which is the most serious economic issue facing the global economy today. Employment We must also consider the range and depth of job opportunities available today. When I graduated from university in 1981, many of my classmates had to emigrate as the economic conditions were so poor in Ireland. Today, Ireland has record low unemployment. Young people travel the world for fun and to expand their horizons rather than out of financial necessity.  Ireland’s successful policy of attracting foreign direct investment to these shores means that people can work for the world’s largest and most financially successful companies without leaving the country.  Climate Young people may argue that, by presiding over damaging climate change, older generations have eaten the seed corn they will need.  A 2021 global survey led by the University of Bath in the UK illustrated the depth of anxiety many young people feel about climate change. Close to 60 percent of the young people approached said they felt very worried or extremely worried. Three-quarters said they thought the future was frightening. Fifty-six percent said they believe humanity is doomed. These widely held viewpoints illustrate the degree of public hysteria surrounding the debate over climate change.  Bjorn Lomborg (The Copenhagen Consensus Center, Copenhagen Business School and the Hoover Institution, Stanford University) recently made the point in Science Direct that scenarios set out under the UN Climate Panel (IPCC) show human welfare “will likely increase to 450 percent of today’s welfare over the 21st century. Climate damages will reduce this welfare increase to 434 percent”.  Lomborg expects that, in the context of general human progress, climate change will represent a speed bump rather than the end of the road.  To quote the former British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, we’ve “never had it so good”.  Cormac Lucey is an economic commentator and lecturer at Chartered Accountants Ireland *Disclaimer: The views expressed in this column published in the October/November issue of Accountancy Ireland are the author’s own. The views of contributors to Accountancy Ireland may differ from official Institute policies and do not reflect the views of Chartered Accountants Ireland, its Council, its committees, or the editor.

The NATO summit was not only about Ukraine. It was about the role of the past and how it affects NATO and the EU, writes Judy Dempsey By the time you read this, we’ll have all moved on from the NATO summit that took place in the Lithuanian capital of Vilnius in July towards other persistent topics.  There’s Ireland’s housing crisis; the worry that Donald Trump might beat President Joe Biden in the 2024 election for the White House; and Russia’s continuing war against Ukraine, to name a few. The list is long. But a common threat runs through these issues: the enduring role of the past and how societies in the 21st century have to deal with it. The past is a compass. It offers the way to the future if there is a political willingness to deal with history. The past can also be distorted.  That sense of the past was clear when attending the NATO summit.  The summit’s conclusions fell short – for some, way too short – by failing to offer Ukraine membership of the US-led military alliance once the war was over.  Lithuania and the other two Baltic States, Estonia and Latvia, but also Poland and the Czech Republic, were disappointed. They believed that Biden and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who led the opposition against a membership date, did not have the political courage or historical compass to offer Ukraine at least a timetable.  The bottom line is that, for different reasons, this decision was about Russia.  Biden, who is facing re-election and simmering unpopularity with American support for Ukraine, does not want to drag NATO into a direct confrontation with Russia. Germany thinks the same but is not committed to admitting Ukraine to NATO. Yet, this war has given Germany a big chance to lead Europe and create a strong NATO caucus inside the alliance. Germany demurred.  This brings us to Lithuania.  It has been a staunch ally of the Belarussian opposition and an unremitting supporter of Ukraine. For Lithuania, it is about Kyiv defeating Russia. But it is more than that. Lithuania and the other Baltic States see the war in Ukraine through the prism of Russia but in a special way, distinct from Western Europe.  For Lithuania, this is about Russia trying to regain control over the countries of Eastern Europe, which include not only Ukraine but also Belarus, Moldova, Georgia and Armenia.  Lithuania also sees Russia aiming to create a new cordon sanitaire between the EU/NATO countries and Eastern Europe – a kind of updated version of the Cold War divisions of Europe.  In the view of the Central Europeans, Russia’s imperial ambitions must be stopped. Eastern Europe must not be turned into a grey Russian-controlled zone. The prospects for instability would be too high and dangerous. Germany and the United States, for their part, see the war in Ukraine through the prism of Russia as a nuclear power and threat – as if Russia is not already threatening the security of Europe. They do not see it in terms of the past but in terms of realpolitik. For Central Europe, the past is the legacy of the violent Soviet occupation of the region that must not be repeated in Ukraine.  The past for Western Europe is how, with huge American support, today’s EU was built. It was a peace project constructed upon the ruins of World War Two. This peace project is now being challenged by Russia. The war in Ukraine is about two different European narratives. It is time to reconcile them.  Judy Dempsey is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at Carnegie Europe and Editor-in-Chief of Strategic Europe  

In today’s rapidly changing world, organisations are embracing inclusive leadership. Karin Lanigan explores what it means, why it matters, and the essential traits of effective inclusive leaders As a result of recent seismic and lasting changes in the workplace, many organisations are now adopting an inclusive approach to leadership. What is inclusive leadership, and why does it matter? A complex and diverse world We are operating in an increasingly complex world that is constantly evolving. The pace and enormity of the changes taking place require a different approach to leadership: inclusive leadership. A new leadership style is required To be an effective leader now requires a move away from a traditional style of leadership to an inclusive leadership approach. This doesn’t mean that the conventional aspects of leadership are defunct. In fact, the core fundamentals of leadership still apply. However, moving to inclusive leadership involves a change from an autocratic, top-down, centralised leadership approach to a more decentralised, democratic, shared and participative process involving employees across all levels of the organisation. Traits of an inclusive leader An inclusive leader is aware of their own biases and proactively seeks out, encourages and considers different perspectives to facilitate better decision making and more effective collaboration. They strive to ensure that colleagues are treated equally, feel a sense of belonging and value, and work in a psychologically safe space where they can contribute and are supported to achieve their full potential. There is no doubt that inclusive leadership is now a critical capability. The core skills and competencies that are typically exhibited by inclusive leaders include: Self-awareness. Inclusive leaders have a strong awareness of their own biases and blind spots. Similarly, a high level of emotional intelligence enabling the effective management of emotions, their own and those of others, is fundamental.  Empathy. Being an inclusive leader requires having both the willingness and capacity to comprehend and acknowledge the emotions and viewpoints of others. Cultural intelligence. Inclusive leaders aim to establish a workplace that welcomes and values all cultures, allowing everyone to make meaningful contributions. This requires a sense of curiosity and a willingness to learn about different cultures and their traditions. Communication. Clear and effective communication supports an inclusive leadership style. Inclusive leaders look to understand and adapt their communication style to be understood by a diverse audience.  Collaboration. Inclusive leaders foster an environment that is psychologically safe, enabling every member to contribute their ideas and innovations to achieve better outcomes. Commitment and courage. Inclusive leaders are role models, challenge the status quo, and advocate for others.   Why does inclusive leadership matter? Much research has been conducted to assess the benefits of inclusive leadership. The results point to increased staff engagement, attraction and retention; improved workplace relations, communication and collaboration; enhanced transparency resulting in higher levels of trust; better decision-making and problem-solving arising from more varied insights and contributions; and increased innovation and creativity by bringing diverse skills and perspectives together. Ultimately, inclusive leaders significantly enhance employee engagement, performance and overall business results. There is no doubt that inclusive leadership is now a critical and unique capability and one that can support career progression and the achievement of personal and corporate potential.  Karin Lanigan is Head of Member Experience at Chartered Accountants Ireland